Thursday, May 1, 2008

Midewiwin




Identifying Elements of Midewiwin Religiosity


Upon examination of the ‘Mystic’, ‘Grand Medicine Society’ of the Ojibwa, various elements of religiosity can be identified (Vescey 174). In regards to its recognition of sacred narratives, esoteric knowledge, and ritual practice; the religiosity of the Midewiwin is rooted in ancestral belief (Vescey 117). In recognition of this ancestral origin, and in light of its ritual complexity, the Midewiwin exist and operate within an ancient cosmological structure (Landes 21). Developed within a Post-Contact social setting (Angel 10), Midewiwin represents a religious tradition which has survived attempts of Euro-North American religious assimilation, and in turn, has developed its own unique system of religious beliefs and practices which have incorporated ancient teachings into a new context.

The first historical mentioning of the Midewiwin is found within the 17th century writings of the French fur traders (Hickerson 418). The origins of the Midewiwin society, however, most certainly predate this time. Arising from traditional Ojibwa beliefs and practices, Midewiwin took form among the Chequamegon sometime after their migration to Lake Superior’s southern shore in the late 1600’s (Vescey 174).

Developed in the Aadizookaanaag, ‘sacred narratives’ of the Anishinabe, early Ojibwa knew who they were, where they had come from, and how they fit into the world (Angel 3). These Aadizookaanaag explained the birth of the mythic figure Nanabozho, the originator of Midewiwin, and creator of a ‘new earth’ (Vescey 94). From Nanabozho the Ojibwa learned to communicate with other Manito spirits, as well as how to respectfully interact with the world around them (Angel 4). Furthermore, Nanabozho introduced various rituals and ceremonies which conveyed the spirit world to the Midewiwin. (Vescey 177)

As these ‘sacred narratives’ describe the Ojibwa migration from the land of their Anishinabe ancestors (Angel 4), these Aadizookaanaag tales situate the Midewiwin within an extended historical framework. Religiously, these Aadizookaanaag tales provide an outline of the beliefs and ceremonies of the Midewiwin (Vescey 184). Thus, it is from these ‘sacred narratives’, and the ancestral nature of the transmission of these narratives, from which Midewiwin religiosity has developed. (Ramsey 68)

Thus, within the spiritual traditions passed down by oral tradition under the Anishinabe, as preserved by Midewiwin elders, a creation narrative, as well as a recounting of the origins of religious rites, rituals, and ceremonies is outlined. Such religious beliefs and rituals were very important to the Ojibwa because of the sense of identity it provided for the Midewiwin. However, as Euro-North American society exerted increasing pressure on the Ojibwa to give up their ‘traditional’ beliefs, Midewiwin practitioners were forced to go ‘underground’ with their reverent activities (Angel 15).

The religious classification of ‘Midewiwin’ is derived from the Algonquian language of the Ojibwa (Angel 7). Although, some modern scholars believe that the term ‘mide’ refers to the sound resonance produced by the Mide drum (Angel 5), the Algonquian roots of ‘Mide’ means ‘mystic’, while ‘Midewiwin’ is translated to mean ‘Mystical doings’ (Landes 3,4). However, as ‘Mide’ has been further translated and interpreted to mean, ‘shaman’, ‘medicine man’, or ‘ultimate other’ (Angel 6), so too has the term ‘Midewiwin’ come to mean ‘Grand Medicine Society’(Vescey 174). As a result of such identification and classification, Midewiwin has come to exemplify ‘Indian religion’ to Euro-North Americans (Angel 6).

Geographically, the Midewiwin originated amongst the Upper Great Lakes area of North America, and later spread through the northern prairies, and eastern subarctic (Vescey 7). Although Midewiwin is recognized within various aboriginal groups (Abenaki, Ottawa, Potawatomi, Sioux, and the Winnebago) (Vescey 8), Midewiwin is primarily practiced amongst the Ojibwa. Current theories claim the Ojibwa possibly descended from the Hopewell People whom migrated across North American (Vescey 8). Historically, the land inhabited by the Ojibwa stretched from the east coast of North America all the way to the prairies by way of lake and river routes. (Vescey 8)

Existing within such a geographic location, an environmental setting which experienced the extremes of every season greatly influenced the formation of Ojibwa community (Yarnell 144). Similarly, these environmental extremes introduced ‘colour’ to Midewiwin mythology and religion (Lande 6). As these environmental features were embodied as Manitos, the psychological characteristics of the Mide whom interacted with the Manito spirit, were complimentarily influenced by their natural surroundings (Landes 34).

Incorporated from Anishinabe religious tradition, the ultimate source of existence for the Midewiwin is derived from spiritual beings called ‘Manitos’(Vescey 4). The Manitos lived within the terrestrial universe of man, and as living beings, acted under the same motivations as humans (Brey 206). The most important Manitos were the ‘Four Winds’, the ‘Thunderbirds’, the Windigo, and ‘Nanabozho’ (Landes 47-50).

In respect to Anishinabe beliefs, Manitos upheld human health and granted medicine (Landes 54). Thus, as medical concerns were integral aspects of the Manito, so too were they concerns of the religious specialists and diviners of the Manito spirit (Hickerson 681). As the Midewiwin incorporated the ritual components of their traditional Anishnabe ancestors, so too did they honour the Manitos through sacrificial offerings and respect. (Vescey 178)

Similar to their belief in the Manito spirits, the Midewiwin’s cosmological theories of creation, evolution, sustenance, and life after death reflect the spiritual beliefs of their Anishinabe ancestors (Landes 31). However, unique to the Midewiwin is the recognition of Nanabozho as their religious founder, intercessor, and mediator (Vescey 101). Independent from its ancestral roots, the Midewiwin recognize a Supreme Creator, as well as numerous Manitos. (Vescey 174)

According to Mide legend, the Midewiwin came into existence when the Nanabozho saw the helpless condition of the Anishinabe (Vescey 177). In recognition of the suffering Anishinabe, Nanabozho desired to give the Anishinabe means to protect themselves from hunger and disease (Vescey 111). As the Anishinabe lived with an acute awareness of this conflict, the Midewiwn went even further in relating these experiences of suffering with evil, and healing with good (Landes 42). Furthermore, the Midewiwin also associated physiological and psychological illnesses and cures with spiritual entities. For example, Midewiwin belief associates all sickness with Windigo (the mythological giant cannibalistic skeleton of ice) (Landes 11), while curing rituals were associated with the mythic hero Nehnehbush. (Landes 22)

The identity of the mythic hero Nehnehbush is revealed in the legend of the Great White Rabbit (Landes 22). Nehnehbush, the Great White Rabbit, communicated with people through an Otter (which subsequently became a sacred Manito). The legend continues with Nehnehbush giving the Otter sacred knowledge in order to cure the sick. Through ritual, the Otter administer this sacred knowledge of Nehnehbush to the Anishinabe. Adopted by the Midewiwin, and in reverence of such a legend, ritual items such as Otter pelts were used as sacred curing items in healing rituals. (Landes 24)

Consequentially, curing rites involved the evocation of numerous Manitos (Landes 72), as well as the utilization of curing rites and rituals these Manitos offered (Vescey 185). Thus, rites of healing (through the process of a vision quest) were associated with the Thunder Manito; Tcisaki (divining) was a curing rite for those who were poisoned; a naming ceremony was another curing technique for those suffering from mental afflictions; while undergoing a sun dance provided another major curing technique (Landes 47-50). While vision quests, naming ceremonies, divination, and ritual self sacrifice were incorporated by Mide shaman in attempt to discover and invoke healing (Landes 54), ceremonially, the Mide would continually remove and immerse themselves from their community in order to access the help of the Manitos. (Brehm 691)

Recognizing such a distinction from the rest of the community, the Midewiwin consisted of various divisions of practitioners who were designated to various levels of individual and societal healing (Vescey 179). This division in healing is representative of the various forms of shamans, priests, and spiritual healers. The "nanandawi" or medicine man, "tcisaki" or male diviner, "nanandawi" or medicine man, ‘meda" or family healer, and the "wabeno" or guide are various examples of the divisions of the Mide. (Landes 47)

Thus, initiation schools and degrees of Midewiwin rites developed in order to utilize the entire breadth of Midewiwin knowledge and assistance. The Midewiwin possessed as many as sixteen degrees of membership, and initiation took place in four stages (Vescey 181). Members advanced from one degree to another by making offerings to the older members of the institution and by undergoing an initiation ceremonies consisting of moral instructions as well as lessons in the names and uses of medicines (Landes 55). Instruction into higher degrees involved encountering the healing mysteries of rare plants and herbs (Densmore 322,323). Representatively, initiation among the Midewiwin is divided into earth grades (medicinal/herbal specialists) (Angel 165), and sky grades (mediums/diviners). (Landes 60)

Traditionally, upon initiation specific items such as shells and birch bark scrolls were utilized in religious practice. In specific, the numerous ceremonial objects used by the Midewiwin not only served, but also represented principle sources of Midewiwin belief. It is within these ritual objects in which one can identify Midewiwin ceremonialism.

For centuries, the Midewiwin have preserved the teachings of their ancestors in birch-bark scrolls (Landes 223). These Wiigwaas (birchbark scrolls) (Angel 11) were used to pass along knowledge and information, as transmitted through oral tradition, in a form of written scripture (Vescey 184). These scrolls incorporated ancient theology and history into contemporary Mide consciousness. (Vescey 184)

The events of initiation ceremonies were recorded in line drawings on bark scrolls, which served as mnemonic devices to those who were initiated to decipher them (Landes 224). These scrolls have presented a representation of their ancient beliefs in a pictographic language and religious system (Vescey 186). Written on birch bark, teachings, degrees, initiations, and ceremonies are illustrated. (Vescey 184)

Wiigwaas writings enabled the Mide to memorize complex ideas and preserve ancient histories and legends for following generations (Angel 140). These complex writings also included astronomy, mapping, family lineage, songs, and migration routes (Vescey 184). As these scrolls give a detailed account of Ojibwa migration, these scrolls also indicate the discovery of another sacred item, the Miigis shell. (Vescey 184).

The Miigis shell is revered, and is used within Midewiwin ceremonies (Landes 73). The healing properties of the Miigis shell are explained within Midewiwin legend (Landes 236). Respectively, during a curing or initiation ceremony, an initiate or patient is ‘shot’ with the Miigis shell (Landes 38). The patient then spits the shell out of his/her mouth at the end of the ceremony as an indication that supernatural had been carried into their bodies. (Angel 69)

The sacred Migiis shells (cypraea moneta) used by the Midewiwin, have been found in various areas of North America (Vescey 183). Since the Migis is not native to North America, their prevalence of the Migiis shell in Midewiwin ceremony is a mystery. However, it is believed that these shells had been introduced by French fur traders who would have came in contact with the cypraea moneta in French Polynesia. (Dewdney 71)

In response to the development of the17th century fur trade, small hunting communities developed, and further served as the focal point of community (Vescey 11). Within such a societal structure, property and wealth was shared with the close family (Landes 15). Religiously serving these small communities, the Midewiwin existed as a small institution of initiation and training. (Vescey 182)

As established within the extended spiritual heritage of the Anishinabe, the Midewiwin reflects an awareness of a multinational aboriginal heritage. In relationship with its neighbors, Midewiwin religiosity was accepted, and furthermore served as a unifying element among different aboriginal groups (Hickerson 418). However, in relation to the Euro-North American Settlers, the Midewiwin adopted codes of secrecy in order to keep their religious practices from being assimilated. (Angel 13)

Religious differences between Midewiwin and Christian traditions are evident within creation myths to theories of the afterlife (Vescey 178,188). Also considerably different from Judeo-Christian consciousness is the significance that dreams and visions have within Midewiwin spirituality. The Midewiwin stress ‘independence from dreams and visions’ in order to develop a reliance on inherited knowledge, as a means of developing spirituality (Angel 10). Furthermore, Elders went so far as to prevent adherents in presenting their visionary experiences warning, ‘you will forfeit the vision by talking about it with others. (Landes 9)

Thus, due to the awareness of Christian encroachment, the roles, initiation rites, and ceremonial objects of the Midewiwin began to be secretly practiced and observed, and thus viewed as ‘cultic’ by outsiders (Angel 11). Adopting secret codes, certain ceremonial objects and practices were never exposed to public view (Vescey 174). However, as Midewiwin ceremonies were becoming highly complex in their secretive nature, the Midewiwin emphasized that its central duty was healing. (Angel 12)

While many scholars have argued that the Midewiwin is a ‘crisis cult’ (Angel 13), upon investigation it becomes obvious that the Midewiwin is a religious tradition rooted in ancestral belief. Incorporating ancient beliefs into a new context, the religious identity of the Midewiwin is evident within rites, rituals, and ceremonialism honoring ancient wisdom and sacred narratives. However, due to the esoteric nature of the ancestral religion which it preserves, the exact nature of the Midewiwin was, and continues to be shrouded in mystery.



Works cited:

Angel, Michael. Preserving the Sacred: Historical Perspectives on the Ojibwa Midewiwin University of Manitoba Press, CA. 2002

Bray, Martha Coleman. The Journals of Joseph N. Nicollete Minnesota Historical Society, US. 1970

Brehm, Victoria. ‘The Metamorphoses of an Ojibwa Manido’ American Literature Vol. 68, No. 4, 1996

Densmore, Frances. Uses of Plants by the Chippewa Indians Bureau of American Ethonology, US. 1926

Dewdney, Selwyn. The Sacred Scrolls of the Southern Ojibwa University of Toronto, Canada. 1975

Hickerson, Harold. ‘Notes on the Post-Contact Origin of the Midewiwin’ Ethnohistory Vol. 9, No. 4, 1962

Landes, Ruth. Ojibwa Religion and the Midewiwin University of Wisconsin Press, US. 1968

Ramsey, Jarold. ‘Review of Basil Johnson’s Ojibwa Heritage’ The Journal of American Folklore Vol. 93, No. 367, 1980

Vescey, Christopher. Traditional Ojibwa Religion American Philosophical Society, US. 1983

Yarnell, Richard. Aboriginal Relationships between Culture and Plant Life in the Upper Great Lakes Region University of Michigan, US. 1964

No comments: